By Gunter Schaarschmidt
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Additional resources for A Historical Phonology of the Upper and Lower Sorbian Languages (Historical Phonology of the Slavic languages)
However.. one would have to provide independent motivation for the existence of such an anaptyctic vowel and its retention over a four- to five-century period without leaving any trace in the name material. , why assibilation applied only to rafter voiceless stops (or, to put it differently, why there was no anaptyctic vowel after voiced stops). Another problem concerns the area over which the assimilation of r extended in light of the lack of assibilized reflexes for nonpalatalized r in all of USa, Musk, Schl, and t in the environment after p and k, in SE LSo and the Ce trans dialects.
There can be no doubt that the absence of any indication of assibilation in the name material means that! after voiceless stops had not yet changed to any of the assibilized reflexes shown in contemporary So, i. e. j' i cJ, between the beginning ofthe ninth and the middle of the fourteenth centuries. If assibilation accompanied the devoicing of r at all, it was very minimal, perhaps like the pronunciation of r after voiceless stops in LG in words, such as Treppe 'staircase', Krug 'jug', and Priem ~chewing-tobacco', or in English Trafalgar.
The most favorable conditions for a joint NW SI development, such as the rise of prothetic w, existed from the 8th to the 11th centuries. In summary, then, it may be assumed that, phonetically, So developed prothe¥ tic was a sandhi phenomenon before the eleventh century. , the beginning of the 14th century, is that names probably did not occur very frequently in a sandhi environment, at least as recorded by German scribes. This fact makes it easier to understand why a prothetic glide was recorded in a quotation of non~toponymic material in Thietmar~s Chronicle, but not in toponymic materia1.
A Historical Phonology of the Upper and Lower Sorbian Languages (Historical Phonology of the Slavic languages) by Gunter Schaarschmidt